Limerick Post Office 'Memories of Forgotten Times'

The following story can be found on page 96 of Limerick Post Office 'Memories of Forgotten Times'

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LIMERICK’S MEMORABLE STRIKE
Trades Council Defies Alien Military Might
POST OFFICE CLERK’S HEROIC PART

On Whit Sunday, 1915, the Volunteers, led by Patrick Pearse, marched through the streets of Limerick. In the district known as the Irishtown the crowds, who watched from the footpaths, indulged in screams of abuse, cries of derision, jeers, sneers and missile throwing. This took place but a couple of hundred yards from where Limerick men and women defended the city twice in the seventeenth century. Pearse could not be blamed for thinking that patriotism was at a very low ebb in that once proud city. Was it possible that Limerick could ever redeem itself from the shameful exhibition of its citizens on that Pentecost Sunday?
James Connolly, wounded in the Easter Week 1916 Rising and about to face a firing squad, spoke four prophetic words. “We shall rise again,” he said. Those words were to give hope and inspiration to a nation after the noble, the gallant and the heroic Connolly demonstrated that courage is much more the prerogative of those who face rifles than of those behind them.
Before the lordly Shannon could smoothen many, if any, of the edges of the Rocks of Curraghgour, the workers of Limerick, under the leadership of their Trades and Labour Council, were to atone for Whit Sunday, 1915. They were to make posthumous amends to Pearse and show the world that Connolly did not die in vain.
It is interesting for us, as a Post Office clerk figures so prominently in the story, that one is safe in saying that he was indirectly responsible for a stand against tyrannical oppression that has no precedent.

BOBBY BYRNES
Robert J. (Bobby) Byrnes, Post Office clerk, was in Limerick Prison in 1919 serving a sentence of twelve months’ imprisonment for possession of firearms. Others, whose avowed intention was to get what Connolly died for,—an Irish Republic— were also serving terms of imprisonment in Limerick Prison. The prison authorities regarded them as prisoners of the worst criminal type and treated them as such. Byrnes and his comrades, on the other hand, considered they were entitled to treatment as political prisoners. Byrnes led in resisting the ill treatment and in January, 1919, the resistance was so strong that the prison staff had to be augmented considerably. Then followed ill-treatment so typical of the barbarity which England either reserved for or perfected in this country. Prisoners were strapped in their cells, deprived of clothing, handcuffed night and day, placed on bread and water diet on flimsy excuses, etc. Jim Casey, an ex-Mayor of Limerick, in a splendid article, draws a comparison between the treatment afforded to Byrnes and his comrades and that afforded to a prisoner who was serving twelve months for the manslaughter of a girl “in circumstances of revolting brutality.” Every comfort was afforded the latter by the authorities because, as Casey very aptly put it, “he was one of their Ike.”

st1 The Irish political prisoners went on hunger strike and on March 15th, 1919, Bobby Byrnes was removed to the Limerick Workhouse Hospital in a very weak condition. He was then 28 years of age. Although the authorities made no secret of his condition, they maintained a guard of five constables and a prison warden while he was in what was described as “protective custody.”
I will be forgiven for a digression here. Five days after Byrnes was removed to the Workhouse Hospital, a meeting of Post Office workers was held at the Town Hall. The Limerick Chronicle,which devoted almost two thousand words to a report of the meeting, tells us that it was held under the auspices of the A.I.P.O.C. and that it was arranged by a joint committee of the A.I.P.O.C., the Postmen’s Federation, and the Engineering and Stores Association. Byrnes, who prior to his imprisonment was very prominent in Trades Union affairs, would surely have been pleased that at that meeting what he wanted and what he preached was done, A committee comprised of all grades present was set up because, the report tells us, that the speakers stressed the necessity “for a united front against a common employer.” The A.I.P.O.C., we are also told, decided to put apathy aside. It was from meetings such as this that the Post Office Workers’ Union was formed, but, as Connolly did not live to see freedom for all, but his beloved North-East, neither did Byrnes live to see the birth of the P.O.W.U., which he with others shared in conceiving.

BYRNES’ RESCUE
While Byrnes was lying ill in the Workhouse which, incidentally, is now known as the Limerick City Home and Hospital, friends were making plans to rescue him. On Sunday, 5th of April, the sensational rescue was affected. Constable O’Brien, one of the guards over Byrnes, was fatally’ wounded. Byrnes received a bullet wound which was to prove fatal some hours later He died at Ballycannon, a few miles from Limerick, to where he was taken from British custody.
Extraordinary measures were taken by the authorities on the day of the funeral. Armoured cars, which had been rushed to the city, were placed at selected sites. Extra police and military were drafted into the city and aeroplanes flew over the funeral procession. It had been thought that an impressive display of military strength would overawe the citizens but the opposite was the case. St. John’s Cathedral was crowded for the Requiem Mass and many thousands, unable to gain admission, filled the square in front of the Cathedral. Twenty-five priests preceded the coffin as it was carried to the hearse. The Mayor, with mace- bearers and the members of the Corporation followed. The funeral cortege wound itself through the Irishtown and the many thousands who lined the footpaths raised their hats in respectful tribute. Men and women made the Sign of the Cross and uttered prayers for the gentle and noble soul of Bobby Byrnes. So it was in every street through which the funeral passed. Even newspapers with an anti-national bias recorded that the crowds were “immense.”

THE STRIKE
As a result of the sensational rescue of Byrnes the British military authorities in this country acted swiftly. On April 9th, Limerick City was proclaimed a special military area. Strong forces of military and police were placed at all points leading to the city. Workers were ordered to obtain permits to enable them to proceed to their places of employment. The police and military adopted a most provocative attitude. They made one grave strategic blunder, however. The operation was apparently planned without reckoning on a body which, on February 1st, 1919, had not been silent on the question of the ill-treatment of political prisoners. The Limerick United Trades and Labour Council was a vigilant body which jealously safeguarded the interests of the workers. It did not matter whether the workers were attacked by employers or military authorities, the Council could always be relied upon to repel it. It is not surprising, then, that in spite of tanks, armoured cars, large forces of military and police, the representatives of 35 trades unions met on April 13th to consider the position. After two long sessions it was decided that there would be a general strike as from the following morning. The citizens were informed of the decision by the following which, like magic, made its appearance in every part of the city.

Limerick United Trades and Labour Council.
PROCLAMATION
The Workers of Limerick, assembled in
Council, hereby DECLARE CESSATION OF
ALL WORK from five am. On MONDAY,
FOURTEENTH OF APRIL, 1919, as a Protest
against the DECISION OF THE BRITISH
GOVERNMENT IN COMPELLING THEM
TO PROCURE PERMITS TO EARN THEM
DAILY BREAD.
By Order of the Strike Committee, Mechanics’ Institute.

A note at the bottom stated: “Any information with reference to the above can be had from the Strike Committee.”
The following Manifesto was issued by the Bishop and Clergy: —

(1) That we consider the Proclamation of the City of Limerick in existing circumstances to be quite unwarrantable without investigation of any kind. The citizens of Limerick are being penalized for lamentable incidents in the Limerick Workhouse.
(2) That the military arrangements at the funeral of the late Mr. Robert Byrnes were unnecessarily aggressive and provocative. The presence of armoured cars on the route and the hovering of aeroplanes over the city during the funeral procession were quite an uncalled for display, in the circumstances, of military power and calculated to fill every right-minded person with feelings of disgust and abhorrence.
(3) That in fixing the boundaries of the military area the responsible authorities have shown a lamentable want of consideration for the convenience of the citizens at large and especially for the working classes.

The manifesto was signed by the Bishop (Most Rev. Dr. Hallinan) and ten priests representing the parishes of St. Munchin’s, St. Patrick, St. Mary’s and St. John, and the following Orders: —The Franciscans, Augustinians, Dominicans, Jesuits, and Redemptorist. Canon Keane of the Diocesan Seminary, and who was to succeed Most Rev. Dr. Hallinan as Bishop, was also a signatory.

TRADES COUNCIL CURRENCY
One would imagine from reading the Proclamation and the Manifesto that the Clergy and the Trades Council were working hand-in-hand. In actual fact the decision to stage a general strike was not communicated to the Bishop before that action was taken. There was no time for discussion as the decision to strike at 5 a.m. on the 14th of April was only arrived at on the 13th of April after 11 p.m. Sub-committees were immediately set up to deal with every aspect of life as we live
it. Very naturally there was a Finance Committee but in this case it was a Finance Committee that was different. The Finance Committee issued its own. Currency. The Propaganda Committee had taken over a printing works, the proprietors of which were in full sympathy with the objects of the strike. Notes for 1/-, 5/-, and 10/- were printed. They indicated that “The Workers of Limerick promise to pay the bearer, for the Limerick Trades and Labour Council” the sums for which the notes were issued. The notes indicated also that the workers were honoring the notes “Against British Militarism.” One experienced no difficulty in purchasing one’s requirements with the now famous Strike Currency. Here was more than a challenge to armed tyranny. The bastion of sterling, the Bank of England, was being attacked. These notes were printed in Limerick and issued under the supervision of the Accountants employed by the biggest firm in Limerick and the bearer was guaranteed that the notes would be redeemed in Limerick by the workers of Limerick. (As I write, a £1 note of the Central Bank of Ireland lies on my table. It tells me that “One Pound Sterling” is “payable to Bearer on Demand in London.”)

st2 The Ten Shilling Note Issued by the Limerick Trades Council

The Propaganda Sub-committee availed of a golden opportunity to make known the true position of the strikers to the world. Many foreign newspaper correspondents were in Limerick at the time. The principal news agencies of the world also had representatives there in connection with a proposed transatlantic flight.
The Commercial and Western Union Cables were fully availed of, and when word reached foreign countries there were many messages of encouragement and offers of financial aid.
The Strike Committee published a daily paper and kept the citizens fully aware of the true position. Space does not permit a full account of the activities of the Committee and the various Subcommittees which assisted. The following will indicate the thoroughness of the arrangements. A Permit Committee was established and the only permits valid were those which it issued. These were for handling perishable goods, the transport of coal, butter and flour from the railway. The Strike Committee assigned the necessary staff to maintain gas and electricity plants. Major Woods who was to make the transatlantic flight was given a permit for the removal of petrol. It was impressed upon the Major that his flight would only take place by permission of the Strike Committee. Doctors and journalists were also given permits, as were the owners of the vehicles. Any vehicle which appeared on the streets had to display a notice that it was “working under the authority of the Strike Committee.”
All public houses were closed for the period of the strike. The Committee replenished traders’ stocks of food at agreed prices .and supervised the sales to the public. The citizens responded to instructions in a magnificent manner and it is to Limerick’s credit that during the period a spiv, a blackmarketeer, a scab, or a looter was unknown.

UNITED AND UNCONQUERABLE
The Irish have always been a generous race and so during those critical times the farmers of the adjoining counties of Clare, Tipperary and Kerry joined their Co. Limerick brethren in sending food to the city, The military authorities, seeing the people so well disciplined, tried the old dodge of divide and conquer; and so it was that they posted up notices regretting the serious inconvenience caused to the citizens and assuring them that His Majesty’s forces in Ireland were in no way responsible. Quickly the Strike Committee replied:
“Fellow Citizens,—As it has come to our notice that the military authorities are endeavoring to spread the falsehood that it is we rather than they who are trying to starve you, we hereby disclaim any such intentions as we have already made every arrangement whereby foodstuffs will be distributed to our fellow-citizens. Our fight is not against our own people but against the inhuman and tyrannical imposition of martial law by the British Government which is solely responsible. As peaceful workers we only desire that we be left alone to exercise the right of free men in our own country.” The manifesto continued by exhorting the people to stand firm and bear any suffering that would be necessary so that the proud traditions of Limerick’s men and women of earlier years would be maintained.
Brigadier General Griffin, Commandant, Limerick Military Area, then empowered the employers of labour through the Chamber of Commerce to issue permits to employees rather than through the permit office. The Chamber of Commerce passed an emphatic resolution demanding the removal of martial law, which was forwarded to Bonar Law.

THE WORKERS WIN
The workers were victorious, as they always will be, if they stand united. Martial law was removed and the Strike Committee called on the strikers to resume work on the 28th of April. The final proclamation states, inter alia, “that during the past fortnight the workers of Limerick have entered an emphatic and dignified protest against military tyranny and have loyally obeyed the orders of the Strike Committee.”

MEMORIES
Sometimes a young Clerk or a Learner asks what is the use of being affiliated to the Limerick Trades and Labour Council as the Limerick Indoor Branch of the P.O.W.U. is. Perhaps this article may help to supply the answer. It is our duty and it is an honor to be affiliated to the body responsible for staging the most spectacular strike in the history of trades unionism It is no mean boast that the Limerick Trades and Labour Council by its action not only restored the good name which Limerick lost on the Whit Sunday preceding the Rising of 1916. It gave that hope, courage and inspiration to the people of Ireland which was to be sorely needed in Ireland’s next two years of suffering.
I am indebted to the late James Casey for placing much data at my disposal to enable me write this article. The article was indeed written before he died and he looked forward to seeing it in THE POSTAL WORKER. God ordained otherwise and Jim, as he was affectionately known, was called by Him to his eternal reward. James Casey, a stalwart of the Strike and the man who was called upon to wear the mayoral chain after George Clancy was brutally murdered by the British, gave me a helping hand as he gave to all who sought it, and to his memory I humbly dedicate this article.
The Editor of the Limerick Chronicle placed the files of his newspaper at my disposal. In a leading article after work was resumed the Limerick Chronicle referred to the strike as an au faitaccompli. One issue covered so many dates that comment is not necessary. The Editor of 1919 is not the same person as my courteous friend.
I am also grateful to Mick Hartney, Limerick Leader. Mick marched with Pearse on Whit Sunday, 1915, and so was amongst those who were given the “charity of its silence” in the issue of the following day’s Leader.
To the Editor, who has promised to illustrate the article by a picture of one of the Strike Currency Notes which he holds, I say thanks, and he can rest assured that any Limerick worker will be proud to redeem the notes if given half an opportunity.

st3
By R. A. GLOSTER.
The Postal Worker November 1954